Stakeholder size (number of people): The Government of National Unity is a provisional government pending elections in 2009. The government consists of an executive branch encompassing the President, First Vice President, Vice President, and Council of Ministers. The legislative branch includes 50 elected members in the Council of States, and 450 appointed members in the National Assembly. The judicial branch includes a Constitutional Court of nine justices, and various other national courts.

Area of Influence:
a. Geographic area: While the Government of National Unity is responsible for all affairs of state, the Government of Southern Sudan operates as a semiautonomous region pursuant to the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement. Accordingly, the effective area of the Government of National Unity is north of the bisection of the Abyei region, Nuba Mountains, and Blue Nile. All three of these areas are to hold a referendum in 2011 as to whether they will join Southern Sudan.
b. Population subsets: It should be noted that in practice Darfur, the Eastern Front, and Southern Sudan, as well as the three disputed regions noted above, all operate outside of the Government of National Unity.

Description of Organization
a. Who are the leaders? Primary authority rests with the President (who is also the prime minister, head of state, head of government, and commander in chief of the armed forces), Lt. Gen. Omar Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir. He is supported by First Vice President Salva Kiir Miyardit, and Vice President Ali Osman Muhamad Taha. There is also a Council of Ministers (of unknown constituency and determined by executive appointment) who provide advice to the President.
b. How does one gain influence in the group? The President was determined by the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which also provided for the Vice Presidential offices (including the power-sharing agreement with the Government of Southern Sudan). As appointment to the Council of Ministers is based on executive discretion, those close to Lt. Gen. al-Bashir will likely benefit from this arrangement.
c. What issues do they care about? The Government of National Unity is concerned with several issues: 1) they seek to quell the rebel insurgency in the Darfur region; 2) they seek to consolidate their percentage of oil revenues generated by foreign drilling; 3) they want to retain control of the Abyei region (a region believed to be home to vast oil resources).
d. What does the organizational structure look like? The Government of National Unity is predominantly an authoritarian structure, with authority resting with Lt. Gen. Omar Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir.
i. Rule by consensus
ii. Oligarchy
iii. Dictatorship
iv. Theocracy
v. Etc.

Financial Resources (if applicable):
a. List activities that generate cash flow: As the custodian of Sudan, the Government of National Unity derives its resources from all sectors of domestic production. This primarily comes from two areas: 1) agricultural production (which employs approximately 80% of the work force and contributes roughly a third of GDP); and 2) oil exploration and exportation (oil contributes about 70% of the country’s total export earnings).
b. Income from activities: The 2007 estimate for GDP in Sudan at the official exchange rate is $49.71 billion.
c. Profitability: Sudan has massive amounts of public debt comprising approximately 96.9% of GDP, and continues to produce a budget in which expenditures exceed revenues.

Military Resources (if applicable):
a. What arms do they possess
i. What type? The Sudan People’s Armed Forces is known to have purchased modern weapons systems (predominantly from Libya, Russia, and China) including Hind helicopter gunships, Anatov medium bombers, MiG? 23 fighter aircraft, mobile artillery pieces, and light assault weapons.
ii. How much? Exact numbers for modern weapons systems for the 100,000 person armed forces are unknown.
b. Experience level. The armed forces are vastly degraded as a result of purges of the officer corps, resulting in the Sudanese Government acknowledging that it is incapable of prosecuting its military objectives without employing former rebel and Arab militias. Their capacity is being rebuilt with the procurement of modern military technology, but it remains limited.