Eritrea – People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ)

(PSL)


Justification:

The PFDJ is the most significant stakeholder in Eritrea since the country is a one-party state and other parties are currently forbidden. The PFDJ forbids the formation or presence of other parties as the upper echelons of the party consider Eritrea’s current situation as quite dire and dangerous to the national security and future of the state. Furthermore, the PFDJ decided to not implement the constitution and forbade free press as well. The latter as well as head party officials critique of the Eritrea-Ethiopia border conflict and President Issayas Afewerki’s actions during the war prompted the President (and party) to adopt and practice more stringent methods of control and dominance. As stated earlier, the rationale was that the state’s security was and remains extremely fragile and that those critics as well as some within the private press were sabotaging the country’s future and political progression.

Stakeholder size:
The party has approximately 95,000 government-affiliated members, however, the majority of people within Eritrea continue to support the party. The support for the party derives from its historical success to deliver Eritrea’s independence and the strong links between government and the people. The government is still seen (by the majority of people) in many regards as the entity that safeguards and upholds the interests of the people. Additionally, an overwhelming majority of those in the Diaspora support the PFDJ both politically and monetarily in the form of remittances.

Area of influence:
a.) Geographic area – Entire state of Eritrea
b.) Population subsets – All of Eritrea’s inhabitants. You cannot be a member of PFDJ and an anti-GOE supporter, because PFDJ is the government. There are no other parties represented within government.

Description of Organization:
a.) Who are the leaders?
- Issayas Afewerki (President of State and chairman of PFDJ central and executive councils, former head of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), which successfully liberated Eritrea after 30 years of armed struggle.)
- Osman Saleh (Minister of Foreign Affairs and member of PFDJ central council)
- Ali Abdu (Minister of Information and member of PFDJ central council)
- Fozia Hashim (Minister of Justice)
- Sebhat Ephrem (Minister of Defense and member of PFDJ central council)
- Saleh Meki (Minister of Health)
- Semere Russom (Minister of Education)
- Tesfay Ghebreselassie (Minister of Energy & Mines and member of PFDJ executive council)
- Berhane Abrehe (Minister of Finance and member of PFDJ central council)
- Ahmed Haj Ali (Minister of Fisheries & Marine Resources)
- Arefaine Berhe (Minister of Agriculture)
- Askalu Menkerios (Minister of Labor & Human Welfare)
- Woldemichael Ghebremariam (Minister of Land, Water & Environment)
- Abraha Asfaha (Minister of Public Works)
- Woldai Futur (Minister of National Development)
- Amna Nurhusein (Minister of Tourism)
- Gergis Teklemichael (Minister of Trade & Industry)
- Andemichael Kahsay (Minister of Transport & Communications)


b.) How does one gain influence in the group?
Influence at the highest of levels is gained only from those who were participants of the struggle for independence whether they were leading people in the field or they were part of the substantial intellectual cadre that continuously voiced and articulated Eritrea’s position in the international community. At the lower and mid levels of the party – influence is gained largely by those who have connections or who have slowly moved up the governmental hierarchy of bureaucracy, which has the Office of the President at its head.

c.) What issues do they care about?
- Ending the border stalemate with Ethiopia is the PFDJ’s number one priority as it is inextricably linked to the country’s development and political progression.
- National Security – the GOE has regarded its increased control over matters within business and free press as greatly tied to Eritrea’s national security. The government is afraid that outside threats may hamper Eritrea’s political and economic future considering the unresolved impasse with Ethiopia.
- Food security is of great importance since a large portion of the population suffers from poor crop return and the country relies heavily on its agricultural infrastructure.
- Development of eco-tourism industry is seen as an untapped resource with considerable profit potential.
- Widening of fisheries and maritime industry – especially since fishery industry currently operates below capacity.
- Demobilization of the enormous number of youth who are currently conscripted in the military to offset Eritrean people’s frustrations and significantly enhance the country’s development
- Assisting the UIC to become a part of Somalia – to ensure Somalia’s new government is as representative as possible. The latter is a view that has been promoted and pushed by the UN Security Council.
- Fostering diplomatic efforts in Sudan (Darfur) as was done in South Sudan.

d.) What does the organizational structure look like?
The state is ruled in a top-down manner where the executive branch maintains chief control. In most cases, the approval of major projects and directives originate from the President.

Financial Resources:

The majority of funding derives from Eritreans in the Diaspora who financially support their families back home, but also send money to the GOE via fundraising mechanisms for individual developmental projects or for more general needs. The 2% tax of one’s net income is sent through people’s respective Eritrean embassy around the world. The government’s mining ventures are quite infant, but it is expected that returns from mining on Eritrea’s various mines will generate considerable revenue for the country. The chief mechanism for revenue remains the Diaspora via remittances, the 2% tax mentioned as well as private investments made by individuals and groups of individuals who maintain at least dual citizenship.

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